Transcript of Minister for Foreign Affairs Dr Vivian Balakrishnan's Wrap-Up Interview with Singapore Media, 28 May 2026

Minister Vivian Balakrishnan: It's been a very exhausting one month. In this one month I've had meetings in 13 different countries. To summarise, I've been to the Middle East, to South America, then back to Southeast Asia for ASEAN meetings, and now to Northeast Asia. We live at a time of great global volatility. Disruption to supply chains, exploitation of choke points, war, and confrontations. This is a dangerous time and particularly for small states like Singapore. We depend on trade, we depend on supply chains being reliable, we depend on resilience. So it was necessary to make these trips to broaden our partnerships, deepen integration wherever possible, as well as look for new avenues for growth and for supplies. Let me just go through the different regions.

First in the Middle East, the four Gulf countries that I visited – these are vital partners, and of course, sources of energy supplies for Singapore. It's necessary, especially at times of conflict or tension to show up, to be present and to show solidarity with your partners. I think they appreciated the fact that Singapore has maintained a consistent position. Particularly for the countries in the Gulf, keeping the Strait of Hormuz open as the ultimate objective and for free flow of energy and other supplies to and from the Strait of Hormuz, is something which we share an absolute congruence on.

Moved on to South America, in particular three countries. First was Panama. I'm not sure how many Singaporeans are aware that the Panama Canal is more than a century old, but Panama has continued to invest and upgrade the capacity of the canal. It remains an engineering wonder and a vital waterway, and if you look at Pacific Ocean as a whole, the Panama Canal and the Strait of Singapore represent two vital entry or exit points from the Pacific Ocean to the other oceans. It was a good opportunity to exchange notes. PSA is also present there, running a port which is doing very well on the Panama Canal. I then moved on to Guyana and to Suriname. Guyana is a place which many Singaporeans may not be aware of. It is a place where, within the last decade, there have been major discoveries of oil and gas. Right now, they are able to extract about 900,000 barrels a day. It will reach a million barrels a day from next year onwards. This is the fastest growing oil and gas producer. They will, of course, see significant economic growth. Although we're very far away, there’s interest in terms of not just supply chains, but also, as they accumulate significant sovereign wealth, they are also interested in seeing how Singapore manages our sovereign wealth. Moving on to Suriname. It was an opportunity for me to meet many Foreign Ministers from the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). We are all small island states exposed to both the long-term threats of climate change, as well as the short-term challenges with supply chains, and so, it was a chance to consult and look for opportunities to do more with the Caribbean. Suriname itself has also more recently discovered additional offshore oil and gas and will be another major source of energy in the future, so again it's a good opportunity to broaden our networks.

After that, I returned back to Southeast Asia for the ASEAN summit in Cebu, and followed that with a bilateral visit to Jakarta – our large close neighbor with whom we have many ongoing projects, in particular looking at opportunities in both the digital and green economy – and then the final lap of this month to Northeast Asia, to China, to the DPRK, and now the ROK.

With China, I'm glad to report that our relations are in an excellent state. Foreign Minister Wang Yi and I reviewed our bilateral projects. All in order, all doing well. We are also looking for other opportunities to do more together in third countries, and of course, China and us also share this commitment on the importance of keeping Straits Used for International Navigation (SUINs) open at all times – both in good times and tough times. Both of us are dependent on access to secure supply lines and to secure maritime freedom of navigation and the right to transit passage. It was a good opportunity for me to catch up and to exchange notes with Foreign Minister Wang Yi, whom I've known for a very long time and is a dear old friend.

After that, I went to the DPRK, and I'll spend a little bit more time after this, reflecting on my visit to the DPRK. From the DPRK, I went to Shenyang, which is another interesting part in the heart of Northeast China, and in a sense, within range of the DPRK, ROK, Japan, Russia, and the entire northeast belt of China. There are also significant emerging opportunities there, and Singapore has had a history of working with the Liaoning Province. I am glad that we will be proceeding to look for new opportunities to expand cooperation in that part of the world.

Then I came to the ROK. We are now Strategic Partners with the ROK which is an important economic partner. We are in the process of reviewing and updating our Free Trade Agreement. As ASEAN-Korea Economic Coordinator, we're also looking to upgrading the ASEAN-Korea Free Trade Area in future as well. So there’s quite a lot of homework to be done on the bilateral front.

Let me now turn to my observations in the DPRK. It's been eight years since I visited, and there are few things which have changed and are worth highlighting. First, my observations within Pyongyang itself. In the eight years since I've been there, Pyongyang has continued to grow and to develop. I saw new housing estates. It is a clean, modern, well-organised, well-planned city. People are busy getting on with their lives. It’s a city which would fit in with any modern city throughout Southeast Asia, or even Northeast Asia, for that matter. The point here is that they continue to show signs of economic progress, and all the more remarkable if you think about the isolation that they have been through, especially during the COVID years. The other thing which has changed quite markedly is their current, outright, categorical rejection of reunification with the ROK. This seems to be a more recent hardened position, and I'm sure there are more detailed local domestic reasons for that stand, but nevertheless it is what it is. They do not accept any possibility of reunification. The third thing which has changed is, at this point in time, they also appear to not be keen on any engagement externally, either with America or even with the ROK, and instead, they are focusing on building up their own self-reliance as well as their own military deterrence. I would characterise it as a State which, despite isolation, has continued to make remarkable progress, but also has significantly changed its position in terms of the potential of any reunification being excluded, and right now is not looking for any opportunities for talks or engagement in a significant way. Nevertheless, I invited Foreign Minister Choe to attend the ASEAN Regional Forum because I told her that it was still important for the voice of the DPRK to be heard on the international stage, and to look for appropriate opportunities in an appropriate way, manner, and timing which fits their own political priorities, for them to continue to engage the larger world. I'll stop here and be happy to take questions.

Lee Si Min (LHZB): I have two questions. Firstly, could you share with us how these recent trips you’ve taken can help shape Singapore's priorities and approach as we prepare to take on the ASEAN championship next year? Secondly, with Trump and Putin having both visited China recently, how do you think the relationship between these major powers has changed, and what implications does this have for small states like Singapore?

Minister: These are two big questions. First, we are living in a volatile, even dangerous time. Supply chains are at risk, old partnerships are also being eroded, and the old certainties, the old verities of diplomatic life are no longer so certain. The first point is: accept that these are dangerous times. The second point is that we should not take our old friends and partnerships for granted. It is necessary to engage. Even in this digital age, there is still no substitute for face-to-face meetings, shaking hands, spending time trying to understand the perspective of the partner at the other side of the table. Third, we do need to examine our supply chains. We do need to look for new sources, whether it's of energy, digital opportunities, green opportunities, and basically to broaden our network of partners.

As far as ASEAN is concerned, the agenda about deeper integration, that ASEAN remains at peace, and that the more we can integrate, the more we can work closely together – expand trade, expand investments, expand connectivity within ASEAN, the better. Because Singapore is a small city state dependent on trade, and safe and stable maritime corridors and supply chains, peace in Northeast Asia is of great importance to us. For instance, as for the situation in the Korean Peninsula, its stability does have profound impact. And of course, the biggest Trans Pacific variable is the relationship between the United States of America and China. I'm very glad that President Trump had a successful visit to China; the readings I got from my most recent visit is that China is also pleased with the outcome of that summit. The fact that they are talking, the fact that there is, in effect, a recognition by both sides that they are peer superpowers. It is quite different from the situation between the US and USSR 50, 60 years ago, because in the case of the USSR and USA then, they were really operating behind two separate systems. There was an Iron Curtain, there were two different economies, two different ways of organising themselves, two separate supply chains. In the case of the US and China, they both operate in effect in the same economic universe. As they come to terms with their newfound balance, there will be some pushing and shoving. The point here is that the old strategies of containment and exclusion will not work. The key point is that somehow, one way or the other, sooner or later, the United States and China need to find a modus vivendi. I think these engagements between the two Presidents and the fact that they have high regard for one another; the fact that both China and the United States recognise that these are two peer superpowers here to stay for the long term – and neither side can exclude the other completely, or even achieve a complete victory over the other – that realisation, at least in the short term, is positive, is helpful, and hopefully is stabilising.

But we should also not be complacent to imagine that all the underlying strategic rivalry and competition is gone. And from time to time, there may be miscalculations, there may be misunderstandings, which can lead to the rivalry even extending to near conflict. We need to understand that those underlying tectonic forces remain. So short-term, I would classify this as some form of stability, and that's why, in fact, the two of them have come up with the term “constructive relationship of strategic stability”. I see that as a positive step, but it is only one step of a longer journey. The key point is that the world order has not yet settled, so we are still in the interregnum between the old world order and the new world order. It's important for a small city state like Singapore with vital interests in both China and in the United States, and indeed, vital interests in the overall functioning of a system of globalisation based on rules, based on international law, based on the UN and UN Charter, to be exquisitely sensitive and to understand what is going on, and to the extent possible in our own small way, understand and be constructive. And while we're doing that, to watch out that we are resilient to whatever may happen.

That’s the summary of both what we're trying to do in ASEAN and also on the larger global stage.

Wendy Teo (Straits Times): I know you said earlier that DPRK does not appear to be ready to engage with that external world, but there was a lot of anticipation over Mr. Trump and Mr. Kim coming together again when he was in Beijing. Among some of the local media, there was some anticipation that your visit this time to both Koreas could hint at something.

Minister: I think that was speculative. As I said, I went there because I was invited by DPRK to commemorate 50 years of diplomatic ties. I also wanted to update myself as to developments there, and I already shared my observations. My key point is that they are not yet ready. Again, my usual advice in circumstances like this is strategic patience. Don’t make things worse, don't aggravate issues, but look with a longer-term horizon for opportunities to be helpful or to open channels of communication. Some things need time to ripen.

Wendy Teo (Straits Times): Singapore is seen as a neutral channel of communications. So, what role do you see –   

Minister: We are not putting our hand up to offer any role. Our relationship with DPRK is one based on friendship and mutual respect. I commended them for their achievements. They are resourceful people, determined, and they've achieved a lot given the constraints that they operate in. So we have a separate, independent relationship with DPRK. Of course, we are constrained by the United Nations Security Council resolutions, which obviously pose significant restrictions on economic ties. Nevertheless, they know what we stand for, how we operate, and we are always open to maintain that line of communication with DPRK, and we want to encourage them, particularly to participate within the ASEAN Regional Forum.

Daryl Loo (Straits Times): Minister, it was really reassuring to see the depth of our engagements with the Chinese leadership in Beijing. We have also seen this year how China has been taking on a much more visible role in brokering a ceasefire to the Iran war, as well as urging the reopening of shipping lanes in the Middle East. How has this changed how Singapore and ASEAN view China as a security and political actor, and not just as an economic partner?

Minister: I think you need to take a broader view on this. China is a superpower in its own right. It is a major manufacturing centre, exporting all over the world. It is also now the world's largest energy importer, and it's got real skin in the game in keeping sea lanes open, in secure supply chains. So China, in its own way, has to look after its own strategic interest and to try, in its own way, to shape a world order which is conducive for a major manufacturing powerhouse with energy needs, and who at the same time, needs security of supply and also freedom of navigation. Even on a bilateral basis, both China and Singapore share a belief in the fundamental importance of freedom of navigation and right of transit passage through Straits Used for International Navigation (SUINs). We do this not as a matter of ideology; we do this as a matter of practical necessity. This is a principle which we believe needs to be operationalised and abided by everyone – both in good times and tough times. That's how you create win-win outcomes. So we need to take a realistic view in engaging superpowers, middle powers, and our immediate neighbours, and even those further afield. As far as Singapore is concerned, widen partnerships, look for new sources of supplies, new markets for our goods and services, maintain lines of communication. Even if countries may have different views from us, we need to maintain those lines of communication. Being consistent, even if sometimes your views are going to diverge from a neighbour or from a partner near or further afield – the way we do it has to be conducted in a way that people will still say at the end of the day, “I may not agree with Singapore, but Singapore has a point. I understand why Singapore takes that stand, and we'll find ways to work together even if we have differences”. That's what we have always had to strive for. For Singapore, being relevant, being resilient, being constructive and consistent are attributes of our foreign policy. Even in a changing world, and with many new challenges and opportunities, we need to stay true to these principles and maintain these attributes of our foreign policy.

Fabian Koh (CNA Dig): Taking the question back to the DPRK. You last visited the DPRK in 2018, and earlier you shared about how the country has developed internally. Can you elaborate more on how the country's relationship dynamics with its regional neighbours has changed since then? And importantly, what implications would all these have for Singapore?

Minister: This is a potentially sensitive question. Clearly, the sanctions regime has been tough on DPRK, but based on the observations of my delegation and within Pyongyang itself, they’ve been able to develop the city, they're able to build new housing, the shops have got goods and merchandise. I didn't test it, but they showed us they also have e-commerce, and they can order and get delivery within a day; at least that's what they claim. They have the accoutrements of modern life. Your question on its engagement with its neighbours, I would say what's clear is that they're certainly in a closer relationship now with Russia. China remains indispensable to it, but they are not yet ready to open up significant channels of communication with the United States or with ROK and Japan at this point in time.

Obviously, as far as Singapore is concerned, we are an outsider to the region, and as I said, we have an independent relationship with DPRK. All we can offer from outside as a friend is to say that it would be, in our opinion, a good idea to keep lines of communication open, but in the end, these are decisions that have to be made by them and by them alone.

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MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

SINGAPORE

28 MAY 2026