Speech by SMS Zainul Abidin Rasheed at the Opening Dinner of the Joint Conference on the 'Impact of the Middle East on Southeast Asia and Europe" organised by the Singapore MFA, CAP of the French MFA and Sciences Po, Paris, 5 December 2007

Excellencies
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen.

I am very pleased to be here, addressing such a distinguished audience. As many of you here know, France-Singapore bilateral relations are excellent and multifaceted. Political and economic ties remain strong at all levels. Cooperation in defence and security is also well established. I am confident that this bilateral relationship will continue to flourish under the leadership of President Sarkozy.

2 This joint conference organised by the Singapore Foreign Ministry, the Centre d'Analyse et Prévision (CAP) of the French Foreign Ministry and Sciences Po adds another dimension to our bilateral relationship. A key objective of this conference is to tap each other's wealth of knowledge on developments in the Middle East and Southeast Asia. France has historically played a significant role in the Middle East and has continued to play an active role in promoting regional stability such as in UNIFIL in Lebanon or supporting the peace process by hosting the Palestinian Donor Conference later this month. Singapore is a relative newcomer but like France, we are not immune from developments taking place outside our immediate regions. Developments in the Middle East affect both Europe and Asia, and have, in fact, given us cause for much concern. They include the prospect of regional instability in the Gulf, its impact on energy security and consequently the price of oil, in addition to the geopolitical and security challenges arising from the situation in Iraq, Iran and Lebanon.

3 Advances in media and information technology also mean that radicalism and extremist ideology can be easily exported across regions. The Palestinian issue for example continues to rally extremist groups all around the world. It stirs emotions among Muslims everywhere, including in Asia. Extremist leaders find it easy to garner support by stoking the flames of discontent. Poverty and deprivation are well-known fertilizers of such ground. But what we are witnessing today is more than an expression of this. Across societies, and across a wide range of different socio-economic groups, the call to jihad has now become more appealing with the promise of eternal rewards, compared to an arduous path of learning basic religious tenets. Self-radicalism through the internet now poses a danger to many societies.

4 This is an area which Singapore is very much concerned with, especially given the developments of Political Islam in our immediate region. The nature of Political Islam in Southeast Asia is not monolithic but a reflection of the region's diversity. The spread differs from country to country. For example, Indonesia has undergone discernible Islamisation over the past few years since the resignation of former President Suharto in 1998. In the more open political environment that followed, conservative Muslim leaders and politicians have been given greater political space to espouse their ideology. But Indonesia is not about to become an Islamic state any time soon. At present, the majority of Indonesian Muslims adhere to a syncretic blend of Islam, and consider religion to be a personal matter not to be regulated by the State. Islamic-based parties are likely to remain bound together more by political expediency rather than religious ideology in the immediate future.

5 There are some parallels between Indonesia and Malaysia. UMNO, the dominant Malay-Muslim party in the ruling coalition, has been challenged by the opposition PAS to show who is more Islamic. Consequently, Islam has come to dominate the political discourse. But in a broader sense, the struggle over Islam has outgrown these political roots to include the delicate question of racial identity as well. Non-Muslim minorities have been discomforted. There is therefore the risk of the tolerant middle ground, which has historically underpinned Malaysia's multi-racial nature, being increasingly squeezed. Malaysian political leaders from the ruling coalition are well aware of the sensitivities and will not allow emotions to go out of control. In the longer term, though, there will likely be a polarisation between those who want a more Islamic Malaysia and the moderate Malays and minorities who reject this. In Southern Thailand and Southern Philippines, historical circumstances coupled with perceived political and economic discrimination by the local Muslim populations have made them attractive breeding grounds for extremism and radicalism. This has in turn posed immense security challenges for the state.

6 Against this backdrop, Singapore has little choice but to keep our eyes peeled for any early signs of trouble. Inter-ethnic tensions in the region have the potential to spill over into Singapore. In the 1950s and 60s, such incidents in Malaysia affected Singapore, underlining the inherent diversity in our society and the fragility of our inter-community relations. Since then, we have taken many steps to strengthen our social fabric. While we seek to preserve the heritage and identity of the major races in Singapore, we have at the same time enlarged the common space to foster harmony and shared values. Meritocracy has ensured that Singaporeans from all communities can progress and be rewarded according to individual merit regardless of race, language or religion. As a secular state, the Government ensures that every citizen is free to choose his or her religion. However, no citizen, in exercising his or her religious rights, may infringe upon the rights of other citizens or undermine the national interest.

7 Race and religion are sensitive, complex and highly emotional issues. If necessary, Governments therefore err on the side of caution since it only takes a single spark to set off a bushfire. In Singapore, we are acutely aware of this given our size and population profile. Politics cannot therefore take on a racial or religious hue. We certainly do not want to see a Lebanisation of society. Europe today is also grappling with similar challenges relating to religion and minorities. Although the circumstances here are different, I believe the discussions at this conference would be useful. By sharing our perspectives, we will be able to spark off new ideas on suitable responses for the new security challenges which we face today. I am confident that the participants from both sides will find the discussions enriching. It will certainly be my pleasure to welcome our friends from France for the second conference, which Singapore would be delighted to host in the future. Thank you.

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